CANAN^AN
OR
CANAANITE
however,
those
resident
in
the
high
lands
who
had
not
been
absorbed
into
the
Israelitish
tribes
(of.
Iskabl,
§§
3,
11),
were
reduced
to
tasl£-work.
The
coming
of
the
Philistines
pushed
the
Ganaanites
out
of
the
mari-time
plain
south
of
Mt.
Carmel,
so
that
ultimately
the
Phoenicians
were
the
only
pure
Canaanites
left.
The
leading
Phoenician
cities
were
such
commercial
centres
that
'Canaanite'
afterwards
became
equivalent
to
'trader'
(cf.
Hos.
12*,
Is
238,
zeph
1",
Ezk
17*,
Pr
31«).
George
A.
Baeton.
CANAN^AN
or
CANAANITE
occurs
in
Mt
10'
and
Mli
3"
as
a
designation
of
Simon,
one
of
the
disciples
of
Jesus.
The
first
is
the
correct
reading,
the
Gr.
Kananaios
being
the
transliteration
of
kan'anayyS
(a
late
Heb.
derivative
from
i;anna'
=
'
jealous').
It
is
rendered
in
Lk
6"
and
Ac
I's
by
ZUOOs
(zealot).
The
Canansans
or
Zealots
were
a
sect
founded
by
Judas
of
Gamala,
who
headed
the
opposition
to
the
census
of
Quirinius
(a.d.
6
or
7).
They
bitterly
resented
the
domination
of
Rome,
and
would
fain
have
hastened
by
the
sword
the
fulfilment
of
the
Messianic
hope.
During
the
great
rebellion
and
the
siege
of
Jerusalem,
which
ended
in
its
destruction
(a.d.
70),
their
fanaticism
made
them
terrible
opponents,
not
only
to
the
Romans,
but
to
other
tactioiLS
amongst
their
own
countrymen.
C
ANDACE
.
—
Queen
of
Ethiopia.
A
eunuch
belonging
to
her,
in
charge
of
her
treasure,
was
baptized
by
Philip
(Ac
8").
The
name
was
borne
by
more
than
one
queen
of
Ethiopia.
The
Candace
who
invaded
Egypt
In
B.C.
22
(Strabo)
is,
of
course,
earlier
than
this.
A
Candace
is
perhaps
named
on
one
of
the
pyramids
of
Meroe.
See
Gush.
F.
Ll.
Griffith.
CANDLE,
CANDLESTICK.—
See
Lamp.
CANE.
—
See
Reed.
CANKEBWORM.—
See
Locust.
C
ANNEH
.
—
A
town
named
with
Haran
and
Eden
(Ezk
27"),
not
identified.
Mez
(Gesch.
der
Stadt
Harran,
34)
suggests
that
it
may
be
a
clerical
error
for
bene.
I.e.
bene
Bden,
'sons
of
Eden'
(see
Guthe,
Bibdwbrterbucli,
s.v.).
W.
EWING.
CANON
OFTHE
OLD
TESTAMENT.—
1
.
Explanation
of
terms.
—
The
word
'Testament'
is
the
Eng.
tr.
Of
the
Gr.
DiathekS,
which
in
its
turn
represents
the
Heb.
Berith
or
'Covenant.'
The
epithet
'Old'
was
intro-duced
by
Christians
after
the
NT
had
come
into
being.
Jews
recognize
no
NT,
and
have
a
polemic
interest
in
avoiding
this
designation
of
their
Holy
Scripture.
The
Gr.
word
kanon,
meaning
primarily
a
measuring-rod,
a
rule,
a
catalogue,
was
applied
by
Christian
authors
of
the
4th
cent,
to
the
list
of
books
which
the
Church
acknowledged
to
be
authoritative
as
the
source
of
doctrine
and
ethics.
In
investigating
how
the
Hebrew
race
formed
their
Bible,
these
later
appellations
of
their
sacred
books
have
to
be
used
with
the
reservations
Indicated.
2.
The
three
periods
of
formation.
—
Briefly
stated,
the
process
of
forming
the
OT
Canon
includes
three
main
stages.
Under
the
infiuence
of
Ezra
and
Nehemiah,
the
Law
(,Torah)
as
in
the
Pentateuch
was
set
apart
as
Holy
Scripture;
at
some
date
prior
to
b.c.
200,
the
Prophets
(.NebUm)
,
including
the
prophetic
interpretati
on
of
history
in
the
four
books
—
Joshua,
Judges,
Samuel,
Kings
—
had
been
constituted
into
a
second
canonical
group
;
by
B.C.
132,
most,
though
not
all,
of
the
remaining
books
ranked
as
Scripture.
This
third
group
was
defined,
and
the
OT
Canon
finally
fixed,
by
the
Synod
of
Palestinian
Jews
held
at
Jamnia,
near
Joppa,
about
the
year
a.d.
90.
3.
Pre-canonical
conditions.
—
(a)
The
art
of
writing.
The
formation
of
language
and
the
Invention
of
writing
must
precede
the
adoption
of
a
sacred
book.
An
illiterate
race
can
have
no
Scripture.
Israel's
language
was
in
its
main
features
an
inheritance
from
the
common
ancestors
of
the
Semites;
even
its
religious
vocabulary
CANON
OF
THE
OLD
TESTAMENT
was
only
in
part
its
own
creation.
As
to
writing,
the
Semites
in
Babylonia
had
used
the
cuneiform
syllabic
script,
and
Egypt
had
invented
the
hieroglyphs
before
the
Hebrews
had
arisen
as
a
separate
race.
But,
happily
for
the
Canon,
an
alphabet
had
become
the
possession
of
some
of
the
Semitic
family
before
the
Hebrews
had
anything
to
put
on
record.
The
provincial
governors
of
Canaan
about
B.C.
1400
sent
their
reports
to
Egypt
in
Babylonian
cuneiform;
whereas
Mesha,
king
of
Moab,
and
Panammu,
king
of
Ya'di
in
North
Syria,
in
extant
Inscriptions
from
about
b.c.
900,
make
use
of
an
Aramaic
alphabet.
After
b.c.
1400,
and
some
time
before
b.c.
900,
must
therefore
be
placed
the
genesis
of
the
Hebrew
alphabet.
(6)
Absence
of
any
precedent.
—
In
the
case
of
other
sacred
books,
the
influence
of
a
historical
precedent
has
contributed
to
their
adoption.
Recognizing
the
OT,
Christians
were
predisposed
to
use
a
literary
record
in
preserving
the
revelation
they
had
received.
Simi-larly
Islam
admitted
the
superiority
of
'the
people
of
a
book
'
(Jews
and
Christians),
and
were
easily
induced
to
accord
like
sanctity
to
their
own
Koran.
But
such
a
precedent
did
not
come
into
operation
in
the
early
religion
of
Israel.
It
is
true
that
the
Code
of
Hammu-rabi
(c.
B.C.
2200)
was
recorded
on
stone,
and
publicly
set
forth
as
the
rule
of
civU
hfe
in
Babylonia.
But
this
method
of
regulating
communal
life
can
hardly
have
affected
the
earliest
legislators
In
Israel.
The
relation
of
the
Code
of
Hammurabi
to
the
Mosaic
Laws
appears
to
be
correctly
indicated
by
Mr.
Johns:
'The
co-existing
likenesses
and
differences
argue
for
an
inde-pendent
retension
of
ancient
custom
deeply
influenced
by
Babylonian
law.'
Egypt
also
had
literature
before
Moses,
but
the
Hebrews
appear
to
have
acted
on
an
independent
initiative
in
producing
and
collecting
their
religious
Uterature.
The
OT
Canon
is
thus
peculiar
in
being
formed
as
the
first
of
its
kind.
(c)
Religious
experience.
—
Other
conditions
of
a
less
general
kind
have
also
to
be
noted.
The
religious
leaders
of
the
people
must
have
had
definite
convictions
as
to
the
attributes
of
Jehovah
before
they
could
judge
whether
any
given
prophet
or
document
were
true
or
false.
The
life
depicted
in
the
book
of
Genesis
reveals
a
non-writing
age,
when
reUgious
experience
and
unwritten
tradition
were
the
sole
guides
to
duty.
The
Sinaitic
legislation,
although
it
formed
the
basis
of
national
life,
did
not
till
late
in
the
monarchy
pene-trate
the
popular
consciousness.
Mosaic
Law
provided
that
Divine
guidance
would
be
given
through
the
voice
of
prophets
and
of
priests
(Dt
IS's
19"
21*
24«);
with
these
living
sources
of
direction,
it
would
be
less
easy
to
feel
dependence
on
a
book.
The
symbolism
of
a
sacrificial
system
compensated
for
the
want
of
literature.
It
was
only
after
books
of
various
kinds
had
become
prevalent
that
the
utility
of
writing
began
to
be
appre-ciated.
Isaiah
(30*),
about
b.c.
740,
perceives
that
what
is
inscribed
in
a
book
will
be
permanent
and
indisputable.
On
the
other
hand,
Hosea
(8'^),
about
B.C.
745,
sees
a
limit
to
the
efficacy
of
a
copious
litera-ture.
The
exponents
of
the
traditional
Law
appear
to
have
applied
it
with
arbitrary
freedom.
Even
a
high
priest
in
Josiah's
reign
had
apparently
had
no
occasion
to
consult
the
Law-book
for
a
long
period.
Variations
appear
in
the
reasons
annexed
even
to
the
Decalogue;
and
the
priests
who
offered
incense
to
the
brazen
serpent
in
the
Temple
in
the
days
of
Hezeklah
cannot
have
regarded
the
Tables
of
the
Law
in
the
light
of
canonical
Scripture.
4.
Josiah's
reformation.
—
The
first
trace
of
a
Canon
is
to
be
found
in
the
reign
of
King
Josiah
about
B.C.
621.
By
this
time
the
Northern
Kingdom
had
disappeared
with
the
Fall
of
Samaria
(b.c.
722).
It
had
left
behind,
as
its
contribution
to
the
future
Bible,
at
least
the
works
of
Hosea
and
the
Elohist
historian.
The
prophets,
Isaiah
i.,
Amos,
and
Micah,
had
delivered
their
message
a
century
ago,
and
their
words
were