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Dictionary of the Bible

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CLAUDIUS LYSIAS

Antony and Octavia, sister of the emperor Augustus), and was born on 1st August 10 b.c. at Lyons. From childhood he was weaWy, and a prey to disease, which affected his mind as well as his body. This caused him to be neglected and despised. He was, however, a man of considerable ability, both literary and administrative, as he showed when he was called to succeed his own nephew Gaius (Caligula) as emperor. He has been com-pared with James i. (vi. of Scotland) in both his weak and his strong points. It was in his reign that the first real occupation of Britain by the Romans took place. He is twice mentioned in Acts (ll^s and 18'). The great famine over the whole of the Roman world which Agabus foretold took place in his reign. The expul-sion of Jews from Rome, due to dissensions amongst them, occurred in the year 50. This latter date is one of the few fixed points of chronology in the Book of Acts. The reign of Claudius was satisfactory to the Empire beyond the average. The government of the provinces was excellent, and a marked feature was the large number of public works executed under the emperor's supervision. A. Souter.

CLAUDIUS LYSIAS. See Lysias.

CLAW. In Dn 'claw' means a bird's claw; but In Dt 146 and Zee 11" it has the obsolete meaning of an animal's hoof.

CLAY. See Pottery.

CLEAN AND UNCLEAN.— Introductory.— The words 'clean,' 'unclean,' 'purity,' 'purification,' have acquired in the process of religious development a spiritual connotation which obscures their original meaning. Their primitive significance is wholly cere-monial; the conceptions they represent date back to a very early stage of religious practice, so early indeed that it may be called pre-rellgious, in so far as any useful delimitation can be established between the epoch in which spell and magic predominated, and that at which germs of a rudimentary religious consciousness can be detected. In a conspectus of primitive custom, one of the most wide-spread phenomena is the existence of ' taboo.' Anthropology has yet to say the last word about it, and its general characteristics can be differently summarized. But, broadly speaking, taboo springs from the religion of fear. The savage met with much which he could not understand, which was supra-normal to his experience. Such phenomena appeared to him charged with a potency which was secret and uncanny, and highly energetic. They were therefore to be avoided with great care; they were 'taboo' to him. It would be rash to dogmatize about the origin of this notion; it most probably dates back to days prior to any conscious animistic beliefs, and may even be trace-able ultimately to instincts which mankind shares with the higher animals. No doubt in later times the idea was artificially exploited in deference to the exigencies of ambition and avarice on the part of chiefs and priests, to the distrust of innovations (cf. Ex 20^, Dt 27''- •, Jos 8"), to the recommendations of elementary sanita-tion, etc. But originally the savage regarded as taboo certain persons, material substances, and bodily acts or states which he considered to possess a kind of trans-missible electric energy with which it was very dangerous to meddle; and these taboos were jealously guarded by the sanctions of civil authority, and later of religious belief.

It seems probable that even at such an early epoch taboos could be viewed from two distinct points of view. A taboo might be either a blessing or a curse, according as it was handled by an expert or a layman. Thus blood produced defilement, but, properly treated, it might remove impurity. A chief or king was taboo, and to touch him produced the primitive equivalent of 'king's evil'; and yet his touch could remove the disease it created. The reasons for this twofold point of view are very obscure, and do not come within the scope

CLEAN AND UNCLEAN

of this article. But the differentiation seems to hare existed in a confused way at the earliest era. After-wards this notion crystallized into a very vital distinc-tion. On the one hand we find the conception of holiness as expressing an ofiBcial consecration and dedication to the Divine beings. A sanctuary, a season, a priest or chief, were set apart from common life and placed in a peculiar relation of intimacy to God or the gods; they were tabooed as holy. On the other hand, certain taboos were held to arise from the intrinsic repulslveness of the obuct or condition, a repulslveness which affected both GodRnd man with dislike. Such taboos were due to the essential uncleanness of their object.

With the rise of animistic beliefs and practices this differentiation was reinforced by the dualism of benev-olent and malignant spirits. Uncanny energy varied according as it arose from the one or the other class, and much care must be taken to propitiate the one and avert the power of the other. Thus on the one side we find sacrificial ritual, which has as its object to please the good demons, and on the other side we have a cathartic ritual, which aims at expelling evil demons from the vicinity (cf. Lv 16, where the two notions are united in one ceremony). But even after the growth of such refinements, ideas and rules survived which can be explained only as relics of primitive and even primeval taboo customs. A still later stage is seen when rules of purity are attributed to the conscious command of God, and their motive is found in His own personal character (Lv 11"). The Jewish sacred books teem with refer-ences which demonstrate the survival of primitive taboos. Thus Frazer draws especial attention to the Nazirite vows (Nu 6'-2'), to the Sabbath regulations (Ex 352- '), to the views as to death (Nu 19"«-), and child-birth (Lv 12). Similarly the origin of the conception of holiness may be seen in the idea that it is transmissible by contact (Ex 29" SO'', Lv 6", Ezk 44"), or in the penalty for meddling with a holy object (1 S 6", 2 S 6'); whilst allusions to ritual uncleanness occur frequently in Ezekiel, and the legislation on the subject forms a large part of Leviticus and Deuteronomy. In some cases these ideas may have arisen in protest against historical developments of Hebrew custom. Thus it has been supposed that the Nazirite vows originated in the desire for a return to primitive simplicity by way of contrast to the habits of Palestinian Canaanites. But many of the regulations about uncleanness can be explained only by a reference to primitive ritualism, with its conceptions of objects charged with a secret energy which the ordinary man does well to shun.

The word 'clean,' it may be remarked, conveyed originally no positive idea. A clean object was one which was not under a taboo, which had contracted no ceremonial taint. And so again 'purification' meant the removal of a ceremonial taint by ceremonial means, the unclean object being thus restored to a normal condition. Fire and liquids were the best media of purification. Similarly 'common,' the opposite of 'holy,' merely meant 'undedicated to God,' and ex-pressed no ethical or spiritual notion. In fact, when the conceptions of holiness and uncleanness had been definitely differentiated, the rule would be that, though the holy must be clean, the dean need in no way be holy. Later thought, however, confused the two ideas (of. Ac 10»).

I. Uncleanness in the OT. The consequences of uncleanness and the methods of purification naturally differed in different races. But in the Jewish religion uncleanness was always held to disqualify a man for Divine worship and sacrifice. In practice a certain amount of laxity seems to have been tolerated (Ezk 22« 44'), though this did not pass without protest (Ezk 44', Is 52'). But, strictly, an unclean man was debarred from religious offices (Lv 7"- '<>) ; and nobody could perform them in an unclean place, e.g. in any land but Palestine (2 K 5", Hos 9^).

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