ESCHATOLOGY
tence
and
conscious
lite
of
the
spirits
of
men
after
deatii,
as
well
as
in
the
possibility
of
recalling
such
spirits
from
Sheol
by
some
form
of
incantation.
The
legislation
against
necromancy
is
a
further
testimony
to
the
same
fact
(Dt
18")-
Early
Hebrew
thought
also
dealt
but
indistinctly
with
the
occupations
and
conditions
of
the
dead
in
Sheol.
Apparently
they
were
regarded
as
in
a
state
resembhng
sleep.
There
is
no
thought
of
resurrection
of
the
body
in
the
OT,
the
clause
in
Job
19'"
generally
used
to
prove
such
a
point
being
more
properly
translated
'apart
from
my
flesh.'
The
resurrection
expected
was
not
individual,
but
national.
The
nation,
or
at
least
its
pious
remnant,
was
to
be
restored.
This
was
the
great
evangel
of
the
prophets.
In
the
midst
of
this
prophetic
thought
there
was
occasionally
a
reference
to
individual
immortality,
but
such
a
beUef
was
not
utilized
for
the
purpose
of
in-culcating
right
conduct.
Yet
the
new
and
higher
conception
of
the
worth
of
the
individual
and
his
rela-tion
with
Jehovah
paved
the
way
to
a
clearer
estimate
of
his
immortality.
The
later
books
of
the
Canon
(Pss
49.
TS's-a.)
refer
more
frequently
to
immortality,
both
of
good
and
of
evil
men,
but
continue
to
deny
activity
to
the
dead
in
Sheol
(Job
1421
268,
ps
88"
94"
115",
Ec
9'"),
and
less
dis-tinctly
(Is
26")
refer
to
a
resurrection,
although
with
just
what
content
it
is
not
possible
to
state.
It
can
hardly
have
been
much
more
than
the
emergence
of
shades
from
Sheol
into
the
light
and
life
of
the
upper
heavens.
It
would
be
unwarranted
to
say
that
this
new
life
included
anything
like
the
reconstruction
of
the
body,
which
was
conceived
of
as
having
returned
to
dust.
In
these
passages
there
are
possibly
references
to
post-mortem
retribution
and
rewards,
but
if
so
they
are
exceptional.
OT
ethics
was
not
concerned
with
immortality.
In
the
Hebrew
period,
however,
there
were
elements
which
were
subsequently
to
be
utilized
in
the
develop-ment
of
the
eschatology
of
the
Pharisees
and
of
Christi-anity.
Chief
among
these
was
the
Day
of
Jehovah.
At
the
first
this
was
conceived
of
as
the
day
in
which
Jehovah
should
punish
the
enemies
of
His
nation
Israel.
In
the
course
of
time,
however,
and
with
the
enlarged
moral
horizon
of
prophecy,
the
import
of
this
day
with
its
punishments
was
extended
to
the
Hebrews
as
well.
At
its
coming
the
Hebrew
nation
was
to
be
given
all
sorts
of
political
and
social
blessings
by
Jehovah,
but
certain
of
its
members
were
to
share
in
the
punish-ment
reserved
for
the
enemies
of
Jehovah.
Such
an
expectation
as
this
was
the
natural
outcome
of
the
monarchical
concept
of
religion.
Jehovah
as
a
great
king
had
given
His
laws
to
His
chosen
people,
and
would
establish
a
great
assize
at
which
all
men,
including
the
Hebrews,
would
be
judged.
Except
in
the
Hagiog-rapha,
however,
the
punishments
and
rewards
of
this
great
judgment
are
not
elaborated,
and
even
in
Daniel
the
treatment
is
but
rudimentary.
A
second
element
of
importance
was
the
belief
in
the
rehabilitation
of
the
Hebrew
nation,
i.e.
in
a
national
resurrection.
This
carried
within
it
the
germs
of
many
of
the
eschatological
expectations
of
later
days.
In
fact,
without
the
prophetic
insistence
upon
the
distinction
between
the
period
of
national
suffering
and
that
of
national
glory,
it
is
hard
to
see
how
the
later
doctrine
of
the
'two
ages,'
mentioned
below,
could
have
gained
its
importance.
2.
Eschatology
of
Judaism.—
Anewperiod
is
to
beseen
in
the
OT
Apocrypha
and
the
pseudepigraphic
apoca-lypses
of
Judaism.
Doubtless
much
of
this
new
phase
in
the
development
of
the
thought
was
due
to
the
in-fluence
of
the
Captivity.
The
Jews
came
under
the
influence
of
the
great
Babylonian
myth-cycles,
in
which
the
struggle
between
right
and
wrong
was
expressed
as
one
between
God
and
various
supernatural
enemies
such
as
dragons
and
giants.
To
this
period
must
be
attributed
also
the
development
of
the
idea
of
Sheol,
ESCHATOLOGY
until
it
included
places
for
the
punishment
of
evil
spirits
and
evil
men.
This
development
was
accelerated
by
the
rise
of
the
new
type
of
literature,
the
apocalypse,
the
beginnings
of
which
are
already
to
be
seen
in
Isaiah
and
Zechariah.
The
various
influences
which
helped
to
develop
this
type
of
literature,
with
its
emphasis
upon
eschatology,
are
hard
to
locate.
'
The
influence
of
the
Babylonian
myth-cycles
was
great,
but
there
is
also
to
be
seen
the
influence
of
the
Greek
impulse
to
pictorial
expression.
No
nation
ever
came
into
close
contact
vrith
Greek
thought
and
life
without
sharing
in
their
incentive
to
aesthetic
expres-sion.
In
the
case
of
the
Hebrews
this
was
limited
by
religion.
The
Hebrew
could
not
make
graven
images,
but
he
could
utihze
art
in
literary
pictures.
The
method
particularly
suited
the
presentation
of
the
Day
of
Jehovah,
with
its
punishment
of
Israel's
enemies.
As
a
result
we
have
the
very
extensive
apocalyptic
literature
which,
beginning
with
the
Book
of
Daniel,
was
the
prevailing
mode
of
expression
of
a
sort
of
bastard
prophecy
during
the
two
centuries
preceding
and
the
cen-tury
following
Christ.
Here,
however,
the
central
motif
of
the
Day
of
Jehovah
is
greatly
expanded.
Rewards
and
punishments
become
largely
transcendental,
or
show
a
tendency
towards
transcendental
representation.
In
this
representation
we
see
the
Day
of
Judgment,
the
Jewish
equivalent
of
the
Day
of
Jehovah,
closing
one
era
and
opening
another.
The
first
was
the
present
age,
which
is
full
of
wickedness
and
under
the
control
of
Satan,
and
the
second
is
the
coming
age,
when
God's
Kingdom
is
to
be
supreme
and
all
enemies
of
the
Law
are
to
be
punished.
It
was
these
elements
that
were
embodied
in
the
Messianic
programme
of
Judaism,
and
passed
over
into
Christianity
(see
Messiah).
The
idea
of
individual
immortality
is
also
highly
developed
in
the
apocalypses.
The
condition
of
men
alter
death
is
made
a
motive
for
right
conduct
in
the
present
age,
though
this
ethical
use
of
the
doctrine
is
less
prominent
than
the
unsystematized
portrayal
of
the
various
states
of
good
and
evil
men.
The
Pharisees
believed
in
immortality
and
the
entrance
of
the
souls
of
the
righteous
into
'new
bodies'
(Jos.
Ant.
xviii.
i.
3),
a
view
that
appears
in
the
later
apocalypses
as
well
(Eth.
Enoch
37-60,
cf.
2
Mac
7"
14").
This
body
was
not
necessarily
to
be
physical,
but
like
the
angels
(Apoc.
of
Baruch
and
2
Esdras,
though
these
writings
un-doubtedly
show
the
influence
of
Christian
thought).
There
is
also
a
tendency
to
regard
the
resurrection
as
wholly
of
the
spirit
(Eth.
Enoch
91"
92'
103").
Sheol
is
sometimes
treated
as
an
intermediate
abode
from
which
the
righteous
go
to
heaven.
There
is
no
clear
expectation
of
either
the
resurrection
or
the
annihilation
of
the
wicked.
Resurrection
was
hmited
to
the
righteous,
or
sometimes
to
Israel.
At
the
same
time
there
is
a
strongly
marked
tendency
to
regard
the
expected
Messianic
kingdom
which
begins
with
the
Day
of
Judg-ment
as
super-mundane
and
temporary,
and
personal
immortaUty
in
heaven
becomes
the
highest
good.
It
should
be
remembered,
however,
that
each
writer
has
his
own
peculiar
beliefs,
and
that
there
was
no
authori-tative
eschatological
dogma
among
the
Jews.
The
Sadducees
disbelieved
in
any
immortality
whatsoever.
3.
Eschatology
of
the
NT.—
This
is
the
development
of
the
eschatology
of
Judaism,
modified
by
the
fact
of
Jesus'
resurrection.
(o)
In
the
teaching
of
Jesus
we
find
eschatology
prominently
represented.
The
Kingdom
of
God,
as
He
conceived
of
it,
is
formally
eschatological.
Its
members
were
being
gathered
by
Jesus,
but
it
was
to
come
suddenly
with
the
return
of
the
Christ,
and
would
be
ushered
in
by
a
general
judgment.
Jesus,
however,
does
not
elaborate
the
idea
of
the
Kingdom
in
itself,
but
rather
makes
it
a
point
of
contact
with
the
Jews
for
His
exposition
of
eternal
life,
—
that
is
to
say,
the
life
that
characterizes
the
coming
age
and
may
be
begun
in
the
present
evil
age.
The
supreme
good
in
Jesus'
teaching
is
this
