from
the
ethical
or
from
the
utilitarian
standpoint.
It
the
legislation
embodied
in
the
Pentateuch
had
all
along
been
an
acknowledged,
even
though
a
neglected,
code,
such
a
complete
neglect
of
it
during
long
periods,
taken
with
the
total
silence
about
its
distinctive
features
in
the
sayings
and
writings
of
the
most
enlightened
and
devoted
men,
would
present
phenomena
quite
inex-plicable.
It
is
needful,
therefore,
to
observe
that
the
true
development
from
original
Mosaism,
though
perhaps
never
quite
neglected
by
the
leaders
of
the
nation,
does
not
appear
distinctly
in
any
legislation
until
the
closing
decades
of
the
7th
cent.
B.C.
This
develop-ment
continued
through
and
beyond
the
Exile.
Until
the
Deuteronomic
epoch
began,
the
enactments
of
Mosaism
in
regard
to
idolatry
were
clearly
of
the
slenderest
proportions.
There
is
good
reason
for
thinking
that
the
Second
of
the
Ten
Commandments
is
not
in
its
earliest
form;
and
it
is
probable
that
Ex
34^'-^^
(from
the
document
J,
i.e.
c.
B.C.
850)
contains
an
earlier
Decalogue,
embodying
such
traditional
Mosaic
legisla-tion
as
actually
permitted
the
use
of
simple
images
(distinct
from
molten
cultus-idols.
Ex
34").
Such
development
accounts
for
the
phenomena
presented
by
the
history
of
idolatry
in
Israel.
For
example,
Samuel
sacrifices
in
one
of
those
'high
places'
(IS
Q'^ff-)
which
Hezekiah
removed
as
idolatrous
(2
K
180.
Elijah,
the
stern
foe
of
Baalism,
does
not
denounce
the
calf-
worship
attacked
later
on
by
Hosea.
Even
Isaiah
can
anticipate
the
erection
in
Egypt
of
a
pillar
(Is
19")
like
those
which
Josiah
in
the
next
century
destroyed
(2
K
23").
As
vrith
reforming
prophets,
so
with
reforming
kings.
Jehu
in
Israel
extirpates
Baalism,
but
leaves
the
calf-
worship
alone
(2
K
lO^").
In
Judah,
where
heathenism
went
to
greater
lengths,
but
where
wholesome
reaction
was
equally
strong,
Asa,
an
iconoclastic
reformer,
tolerates
'high
places'
(1
K
IS'^-H;
cf.
Jehoshaphat's
attitude,
1
K
22").
It
was
the
work
of
the
8th
cent.
prophets
that
prepared
the
way
for
the
remarkable
reformation
under
Josiah
(2
K
22.
23).
Josiah's
reign
was
epoch-making
in
everything
connected
with
Hebrew
religious
thought
and
practice.
To
this
period
must
be
assigned
that
Deuteronomic
legislation
which
completed
the
earlier
attempts
at
reformation.
This
legislation
aims
at
the
complete
destruction
of
everything
suggestive
of
idolatry.
A
code,
otherwise
humane,
is
on
this
point
extremely
severe:
idolatry
was
punish-able
by
death
(Dt
172-';
cf.
6"
8"
138-i»
etc.).
Such
a
view
of
idolatry
exhibits
in
its
correct
perspective
the
teaching
of
Jeremiah
and
Ezekiel,
the
elaborate
Levitical
enactments,
the
exilic
and
post-exilic
litera-ture.
Distinctive
Judaism
has
succeeded
to
Jehovism,
monotheism
has
replaced
henotheism,
racial
and
religious
exclusiveness
has
supplanted
the
earlier
eclecticism.
The
Exile
marks
practically
the
end
of
Hebrew
Idolatry.
The
lesson
has
been
learned
by
heart.
A
striking
proof
of
the
great
change
is
given
by
the
MaccabaBan
war,
caused
by
the
attempt
of
Antiochus
Epiphanes
to
force
idolatry
on
the
very
nation
which
in
an
earlier
period
had
been
only
too
prone
to
accept
it.
Relations
with
Rome
in
the
1st
and
2nd
centuries
A.D.
illustrate
the
same
temper.
Had
not
Caligula's
death
so
soon
followed
his
insane
proposal
to
erect
his
statue
in
the
Temple,
the
Jews
would
assuredly
have
offered
the
most
determined
resistance;
a
century
later
they
did
actively
resist
Rome
when
Hadrian
desecrated
the
site
of
the
ruined
Temple.
4.
Teaching
of
the
NT.
—
As
idolatry
was
thus
non-existent
in
Judaism
in
the
time
of
Christ,
it
is
not
surprising
that
He
does
not
allude
to
it.
St.
Paul,
however,
came
into
direct
conflict
with
it.
The
word
itself
(eidSlolatreia)
occurs
first
in
his
vmtings;
we
have
his
illuminating
teaching
on
the
subject
in
Ro
I's-az,
Ac
17»-",
1
Co
8
etc.
But
idolatry
in
Christian
doctrine
has
a
wider
significance
than
the
service
of
material
idols.
Anything
that
interferes
between
the
soul
and
its
God
is
idolatrous,
and
is
to
be
shunned
(cf.
Eph
5=,
Ph
319,
1
Jn
5™'-,
and
the
context
of
Gal
520
etc.).
See
also
art.
Images.
H.
F.
B.
COMPSTON.
IDTTEL
(1
Es
8«)
=Ezr
S"
Ariel.
The
form
is
due
to
confusion
of
Heb.
d
and
r.
IDUlLffiA.—
The
Greek
equivalent
(in
RV
only
in
Mk
3')
of
the
name
Edom,
originally
the
territory
east
of
the
Jordan-Arabah
valley
and
south
of
the
land
of
Moab.
This
country
was
inhabited,
when
we
first
catch
a
glimpse
of
it,
by
a
primitive
race
known
as
Horites,
of
whom
little
but
the
name
is
known.
The
apparent
meaning
of
the
name
('
cave-dwellers
')
and
comparison
with
the
remains
of
what
seems
to
ha
ve
been
an
analogous
race
discovered
in
the
excavations
at
Gezer,
shew
that
this
race
was
at
a
low
stage
of
civilization.
They
were
partly
destroyed,
partly
absorbed,
by
the
Bedouin
tribes
who
claimed
descent
through
Esau
from
Abraham,
and
who
were
acknowledged
by
the
Israelites
as
late
as
the
date
of
the
Deuteronomic
codes
as
brethren
(Dt
23').
They
were
governed
by
sheiks
(EV
'dukes,'
a
lit.
tr.
of
the
Lat.
dux),
and
by
a
non-hereditary
monarchy
whose
records
belonged
to
a
period
anterior
to
the
time
of
Saul
(Gn
36si->9,
1
ch
1«-").
See
Edom.
After
the
fall
of
Babylon
the
pressure
of
the
desert
Arabs
forced
the
Edomites
across
the
Jordan-Arabah
valley,
and
the
people
and
name
Were
extended
westward.
In
1
Mac
5^'
we
find
Hebron
included
in
Idumaea.
Josephus,
with
whom
Jerome
agrees,
makes
Idumaea
extend
from
Beit
Jibrin
to
Petra;
Jerome
assigns
the
great
caves
at
the
former
place
to
the
troglodyte
Horites.
The
Herod
family
was
by
origin
Idumsan
in
this
extended
sense.
In
the
2nd
cent.
a.d.
the
geog-rapher
Ptolemy
restricts
Idumaea
to
the
cis-Jordanic
area,
and
includes
the
original
trans-Jordanic
Edom
in
Arabia.
R.
A.
S.
Macalister.
lEDDIAS
(1
Es
9=6).
—
One
of
those
who
agreed
to
put
away
their
'
strange
'
wives,
called
Izziah
in
Ezr
10".
lEZER,
lEZERITES
(Nu
26™)
.—Contracted
from
Abiezer,
Abiezerites.
See
Abiszer.
IGAL.
—
1.
The
spy
representing
the
tribe
of
Issachar
(Nu
13').
2.
One
of
David's
heroes,
the
son
of
Nathan
of
Zobah
(2
S
2336).
in
the
parallel
list
(1
Ch
11")
the
name
is
given
as
'Joel,
the
brother
of
Nathan.'
3.
Son
of
Shemaiah
of
the
royal
house
of
David
(1
Ch
3=2).
IGDALIAH.
—
A
'man
of
God,'
father
of
Hanan,
whose
name
is
mentioned
in
connexion
with
Jeremiah's
interview
with
the
Rechabites
(Jer
35').
I&KORANCE.
—
It
appears
to
be
in
accordance
with
natural
justice
that
ignorance
should
be
regarded
as
modifying
moral
responsibility,
and
this
is
fully
recog-nized
in
the
Scriptures.
In
the
OT,
indeed,
the
knowl-edge
of
God
is
often
spoken
of
as
equivalent
to
true
reUgion
(see
Knowledge),
and
therefore
ignorance
is
regarded
as
its
opposite
(1
S
2'^,
Hos
4'
66).
But
the
Levitical
law
recognizes
sins
of
ignorance
as
needing
some
expiation,
but
with
a
minor
degree
of
guilt
(Lv
4,
Nu
1522-62).
go
'ignorances'
are
spoken
of
in
1
Es
8'=
(RV
'errors').
To
36,
Sir
23"-
as
partly
involuntary
(cf.
He
52
9').
The
whole
of
the
OT,
however,
is
the
history
of
a
process
of
gradual
moral
and
spiritual
enlightenment,
so
that
actions
which
are
regarded
as
pardonable,
or
even
praiseworthy,
at
one
period,
become
inexcusable
in
a
more
advanced
state
of
knowledge.
In
the
NT
the
difference
between
the
'times
of
ignorance'
and
the
light
of
Christianity
is
recognized
in
Ac
176"
(cf.
1
Ti
1'6,
1
p
114),
and
ignorance
is
spoken
of
as
modifying
responsibility
in
Ac
3",
1
Co
2',
Lk
23«.
This
last
passage,
especially,
suggests
that
sin
is
pardon-able
because
it
contains
an
element
of
ignorance,
while
Mk
329
appears
to
contemplate
the
possibility
of
an
absolutely
wilful
choice
of
evil
with
full
knowledge
of
what
it
is,
which
will
be
unpardonable
(cf.
1
Jn
5").
Immoral
and
guilty
ignorance
is
also
spoken
of
in
Ro
I'™-,
Eph
4>».
For
the
question
whether
Christ
in