SHETH
governor'
(pechah),
and
is
also
said
to
have
laid
the
foundations
of
the
Temple
(ct.
1
Es
6'8-
»«).
It
is
probable
that
the
Persian
title
'Tirshatha'
in
Ezr
2'',
Neh
7"»-
">
refers
to
Sheshbazzar.
Some
have
identified
Sheshbazzar
with
Zerubbabel
on
the
ground
that
the
laying
of
the
foundation
of
the
Temple
is
in
Ezr
3'
ascribed
to
Zerubbabel
and
in
5"
to
Sheshbazzar,
while
instances
of
men
bearing
two
different
names
occur
not
infrequently
(e.g.
2
K
23"
24",
Dn
1').
But,
when
we
compare
Ezr
3«
and
5",
it
does
not
seem
necessary
to
assume
that
the
two
men
are
identical.
Both
may
have
returned
from
Babylon
at
the
same
time,
and
while
Sheshbazzar
was
the
ruling
official,
Zerubbabel
may
in
all
likelihood
have
been
the
moving
spirit
in
building
the
Temple.
Ezr
3'
gives
the
Chronicler's
own
account
of
the
work,
while
Ezr
5
purports
to
be
an
official
report,
and
would
naturally
mention
the
official
head
of
the
community
as
the
person
responsible
for
what
occurred
during
his
term
of
office.
Then
the
possibility
of
the
one
person
bearing
two
names,
while
not
impossible,
seems
unlikely
here,
because
(1)
both
names
are
of
foreign
origin,
unlike
the
double
names
Daniel
and
Belieshazzar,
where
the
one
is
Hebrew
and
the
other
foreign;
and
(2)
as
a
rule
the
Chronicler
is
careful
to
note
the
identification
—
e.g.
■Daniel
whose
name
xuas
Belteshazzar.'
If,
then,
Sheshbazzar
and
Zerubbabel
were
two
differ-ent
men,
was
Sheshbazzar
a
Jew
or
a
foreigner?
In
all
probability
he
was
a
Jew.
It
was
quite
in
accordance
with
the
policy
of
the
Persians
to
appoint
a
Jew
to
act
as
governor
in
Jerusalem,
while
the
name
Sheshbazzar,
being
of
Bab.
origin,
would
not
likely
be
borne
by
a
Persian.
It
has
been
conjectured
that
Sheshbazzar
is
identical
with
the
Shenazzar
of
1
Ch
3'8,
a
son
of
Jehoiachin
and
imcle
of
Zerubbabel;
and
this
would
justify
the
title
'prince
of
Judah'
given
to
him
in
Ezr
1'.
Then,
further,
it
is
not
unlikely
that
the
younger
man,
Zerubbabel,
took
the
leading
part
in
the
work
of
restoration,
and
as
a
result
his
uncle's
memory
would
JEall
into
the
background.
This
theory
is
made
more
probable
by
the
fact
that
Zerubbabel
succeeded
to
the
governorship
as
early
as
the
reign
of
Darius
Hystaspis,
B.C.
620
(cf.
Hag
H-
"
2?).
W.
F.
Boyd.
SHETH.—
In
Nu
24i'
(only)
AV
and
BVm
tr.
bera
shith
'
children
(sons)
of
Sheth,'
but
there
can
be
little
doubt
that
the
correct
tr.
is
that
of
RV,
'
sons
of
tumult.'
SHETHAR.
—
One
of
the
seven
princes
who
had
the
right
of
access
to
the
royal
presence
(Est
1").
SHETHAR
-BOZENAI.
—
One
of
those
who
corre-sponded
with
Darius
about
the
re-building
of
the
Temple
(Ezr
5»-
«
6«-
IS).
Called
in
1
Es
6'-
'•
"
7'
Sathrabuzanes.
SHEVA.—
1.
A
son
of
Caleb
(1
Ch
2").
2.
See
Shavsha.
SHEWBREAD.
—
In
one
of
the
oldest
historical
docu-ments
preserved
in
the
OT
we
find,
in
a
passage
telling
of
David's
flight
from
Saul,
the
first
mention
of
an
offering
in
the
shape
of
'
holy
bread,'
which
was
presented
to
J"
in
the
sanctuary
at
Nob
(1
S
21>-«).
Here
this
holy
bread
is
also
termed
'the
bread
of
the
presence'
(v.'),
i.e.
of
J",
which
appears
in
EV
as
"shewbread'
—
a
rendering
due
to
Tindale,
who
adds
the
note,
'shew-brede,
because
it
was
alway
in
the
presence
and
sight
of
the
Lorde'
(cf.
v.=,
which
ends
literally
thus:
'the
presence-bread,
that
was
taken
from
the
presence
of
J"").
'Presence-bread'
is
also
the
name
for
this
special
offering
generally
used
in
the
Priests'
Code
—
but
'continual
bread'
in
Nu
4',
contracted
from
the
fuller
expression
2
Ch
2'.
The
Chronicler,
however,
prefers
another
designation,
which
may
be
rendered
'
pile-bread'
(1
Ch
9^
2325
etc.,
EV
'shewbread')
and
is
to
be
ex-plained
by
the
arrangement
of
the
loaves
in
two
piles
(see
below
and
cf.
Lv
24«
RVm).
After
its
first
historical
mention
in
connexion
with
the
sanctuary
of
Nob,
where
it
was
periodically
renewed
—
SHIBBOLETH
at
what
Intervals
is
not
stated
—
the
presence-bread
Is
next
met
with
in
the
Temple
of
Solomon.
Here
was
an
'altar
of
cedar'
(1
K
6™),
which
modern
scholars
regard
as
an
altar
for
the
presentation
of
the
offering
of
the
shewbread.
It
stood,
according
to
the
restored
text,
in
front
of
the
debir,
or
Most
Holy
Place,
and
it
is
to
be
identified
with
'
the
table
whereupon
the
shewbread
was,'
mentioned
in
7"
in
a
section
of
later
date
(see,
for
the
composite
text
of
these
chapters,
the
authorities
cited
in
art.
Temple,
and
cf.
ib.
§
5).
The
same
inter-change
of
'
altar
'
and
'
table
'
is
found
in
Ezk
ll^^,
cf
.
44".
The
table
of
shewbread
to
be
provided
for
the
Taber-nacle
of
P
is
discussed
in
the
art.
Tabernacle,
§
6
(o)
(cf.
Temple,
§
9).
The
preparation
of
the
shewbread
itself,
which
in
the
time
of
the
Chronicler
was
the
privi-lege
of
a
division
of
the
Levites
(1
Ch
9'^),
is
prescribed
in
another
section
of
P
(Lv
24'-»).
The
offering
consisted
of
twelve
unleavened
cakes
of
considerable
size,
since
each
cake
contained
a
fifth
of
an
ephah
—
an
ephah
held
more
than
a
bushel
—
of
fine
flour.
The
cakes
or
loaves
were
arranged
on
the
table
in
two
piles;
on
the
top
of
each
pile
was
placed
an
oblation
of
frankincense.
The
cakes
were
renewed
'every
Sabbath
day'
(v.'
RV);
those
removed
were
eaten
by
the
priests
alone
within
the
sanctuary
precincts,
the
shewbread
being
among
'the
most
holy
of
the
offerings
of
the
Lord'
(v.').
As
regards
the
original
significance
of
the
shewbread
offering
there
can
be
no
doubt.
This
antique
form
of
oblation
had
its
origin
in
pre-historic
times
in
the
naive
desire
to
propitiate
the
deity
by
providing
him
with
a
meal
(see
Sacbifice
and
Offebing,
§
16).
This
view
is
confirmed
by
the
fact
that
it
was
accompanied,
even
in
the
later
period,
by
a
provision
of
wine,
as
Is
clear
from
the
mention
of
'
the
flagons
thereof,
and
the
bowls
thereof,
to
pour
out
withal'
(Ex
252»
RV,
Nu
4').
The
analogy
of
the
classical
lectisternia
will
at
once
suggest
itself.
Less
familiar
is
the
similar
offering
among
the
Babylonians,
who
laid
cakes
of
'sweet,'
i.e.
un-leavened,
bread
on
the
altars
of
various
deities
(see
Zimmern's
list
in
KAT'
600).
The
analogy
between
the
Babylonian
and
Hebrew
ritual
is
rendered
still
more
striking
by
the
identity
of
the
name
'bread
of
the
presence
'
{loc.
cit.),
and
of
the
number
of
cakes
offered
—
twelve
or
a
multiple
of
twelve.
This
number
had
probably
an
astrological
origin,
having
reference
originally
to
the
twelve
months
of
the
year,
or
the
twelve
signs
of
the
Zodiac.
For
the
later
Hebrews,
at
least,
the
twelve
loaves
of
the
presence-bread
doubtless
rep-resented
the
twelve
tribes
of
Israel,
and
were
interpreted
as
a
symbolical
expression
of
the
nation's
gratitude
to
God
as
the
continual
source
of
every
material
blessing.
A.
R.
S.
Kennedy.
SHIBAH.
—
A
name
given
to
a
well
dug
by
Isaac
(Gn
26*'),
which
gave
its
name
to
the
town
Beersheba
(wh.
see).
The
word
means,
according
to
the
writer,
'an
oath';
and
Beersheba
is
'the
well
of
the
oajih,'
so
named
from
the
swearing
of
the
oath
of
friendship
between
Isaac
and
Abimelech
(Gn
26").
In
Gn
2122-"
we
have
another
account,
according
to
which
the
well
was
dug
by
Abraham
and
received
its
name
from
the
oath
between
Abraham
and
Abimelech.
There
is
also
a
play
on
the
word
shebiVah,
'oath'
and
sheba\
'seven,*
as
a
sacrifice
of
seven
lambs
was
offered.
Perhaps
the
name,
however,
was
already
in
existence
before
Abraham's
time,
and
the
writer
simply
gives
a
more
or
less
plausible
explanation
of
its
derivation.
W.
F.
Boyd.
SHIBBOLETH
(means
both
'ear
of
corn'
and
'stream').
—
In
the
strife
that
arose
between
the
Gileadites,
under
Jephthah,
and
the
Ephraimites,
an
episode
occurred
which
is
recounted
in
Jg
12'-'.
Accord-ing
to
this,
the
Gileadites
were
holding
the
fords
of
Jordan
in
order
to
cut
off
the
fugitive
Ephraimites;
but
the
only
way
of
differentiating
between
friend
and
foe
was
to
test
a
fugitive
as
to
his
pronunciation
of
such
a
word
as
'
Shibboleth,'
In
which
the
Ephraimite
peculiarity