SLAVE, SLAVERY

firms the interpretation of the rite given above. The Deuteronomist, who localizes all religious observances at the central sanctuary, consequently drops the ' unto God' of Ex 21'". (3) The characteristic humanitarian exhortation (vv."- ") is added, and the reasonableness of the law defended (vv."- '*).

Jer 34^-^' describes an abortive attempt to observe the law in its Deuteronomic formulation. The law had evi-dently not been observed in spite of its reasonableness, and was subsequently again allowed to become a dead letter.

A third version of the Law of Release is found at Lv 26''-'*. Three cases are considered: (1) that of the Israelite who has sold himself, because of poverty, to his fellow-countryman (vv.''-"). Such an one is not to be regarded as a real slave but as a hireling, and is to be released in the year of Jubilee. (2) Actual slaves are to be obtained only from non-Israelite peoples (cf. 1 K 92"). For them there is no release (vv."-"). (3) If an Israelite sells himself to a ger, he may be re-deemed at any time by his next of kin or by himself (power to acquire property assumed), but in any case he must be freed at the year of Jubilee (vv.*'-")- The redemption-price is proportioned to the number of years he had yet to serve from the time of his redemption to the Jubilee year, in other words, to the pay he would receive as an hireling during that period. Thus the possibility of an Israelite becoming an actual slave is again obliterated. The differences between this law and the earlier legislation are marked, (a) It formulates the growing protest against the idea that an Israelite could be a slave (cf. Neh 5»- *). (b) Through the institu-tion of the Jubilee year it provides that even the guasi-servitude which is admitted should not be for life, and consequently it ignores the awl-rite.

A difficulty emerges at this point. The Levitical law, which postpones release till the 60th year, seems to work a greater hardship at times than the earlier laws, which pre-Bcribe release in the 7th year. Here three things are to be remembered: (a) the earlier law had probably become a dead letter long before the present law was formulated (cf . Jer 34, above); (6) the Jubilee law is the result of a theo-logical theory (cf. w. ^- '2. K), and never belonged to the spnere of practical legislation; (c) as such it is to _ be con-strued, not in antithesis to the 7tn year of the earlier laws, but to the lifelong period of servitude often_ actually ex-perienced. It will not lengthen the time until the year of release, but wiU theoretically abolish all Ufelong servitude. This theoretical point of view so predominates that the prolongation of the time of servitude, if the law had ever become actually operative, is left out of account. The fact that the Israelite m servitude to another Israelite is really worse off than an Israelite attached to a ger, who couldbe redeemed at any time, also shows that we are not dealing with practical legislation.

4. In these three laws of release we have three clearly marked stages in the recognition of the slave's person-ality. The BC provides for the release of the Israelite man-servant. Deut., with its humanitarian tendencies, extends this privilege to the maid-servant. Lev., on the basis of its theological conceptions, denies that any Israelite can be an actual slave. But all these laws remain within nationalistic limitations. One step morre must he taken. The rights of the slave as a man, and not simply as a fellow-countryman, must be recognized. The growing individualism which accompanied the development of the doctrine of monotheism prepared the way for this final step, which was taken by Job in the noble passage 31'^-". In the same spirit Joel universalizes the primitive conception of the necessary attachment of the slave to the family cult, and makes him share equally with all flesh in the baptism of the Spirit of God (22»).

Note. — ^The relationship of servant to master is a favourite figure in the OT for the relationship of man to God (esp. in the Psalms) . The nation, Israel, is also often thought of as the servant of Jehovah (cf . Is 41™) — a thought which finds its most profound expression in Is 42i-* 49'-^ 60^-1" 52^3-53'2. Cf . art. Servant or the Lokd.

5. In the NT it is only the attitude of Jesus and St.

866

SYMRNA

Paul towards slavery that demands attention. Jesus was not a political agitator, or even a social reformer. In nothing is this fact more strikingly illustrated than in His allusions to slavery. He refers to it only for purposes of Ulustration (c.ff. Mk 122- «, Mt 24«, Jn 8=' etc.). He never criticizes it, even when it violates, as He must have realized. His own principles of love and brotherhood (Mt IS^s, Lk 17™-; contrast the figurative picture in Lk 12"). But, as Christianity reached into the world and developed into a social force, it became increasingly necessary to consider what its attitude towards slavery should be, especially as many slaves became Christians (in Ro 16»»- ", 1 Co 1", Ph 4^2 'them of the household' are the slave-retainers). In this connexion St. Paul enunciates just one great principle — In Christ all the distinctions of this world disappear; the religion of Jesus knows neither bond nor free (1 Co 12", Gal S^', Col 3"). But he did not use this principle to overthrow the institution of slavery. On the contrary, at 1 Co 72'-23 he counsels one who has been called (into the Christian life) while a slave not to mourn his lot. He even advises him, if the opportunity to become free is offered, to remain in servitude (v.^i, but the interpretation is doubtful), the near approach of the Parousia (v.2») apparently throwing these ex-ternal conditions of life into a perspective of insignifi-cance for St. Paul. The Apostle does not seek 'to make free men out of slaves, but good slaves out of bad slaves' (Eph 65-», Col 322-41; cf. 1 P 2"). In these passages the corresponding duties of master to man are also insisted upon, as there is no respect of persons with Christ. It is significant that in the later Pastoral Epistles (1 Ti e'"-, Tit 2'-") the exhortations to the masters are omitted. It would seem as it some slaves had taken advantage of the Christian principle of brotherhood to become insurbordinate. In Philemon we have the classical illustration of St. Paul's attitude towards slavery exemplified in a concrete case. Here again he does not ask Philemon to free Onesimus; and it is clear from 1 Ti 6'«- and the subsequent history of the Church that Christians in good standing owned slaves. But in Philem " the slave is transfigured into a brother in Christ. For further discussion of this point see art. Philemon.

Though the Church recognized slavery, it is a remarkable fact that in the epitaphs of the catacombs the deceased is never spoken of as ha-ving been a (human master's) slave, though often described as a slave of God. In death, at least, the Christian ideal was fully realized. The slave be-comes with the master only the slave of God. Contrast the gloomy equality in Job 3". Kemper Fullehton.

SLEEVES.— See Dress, 2 (d).

SLEIGHT.— The word tr. 'sleight' in Eph 4», 'by the sleight of men,' means literally dice-playing. Tindale uses 'wylynes,' which is more intelligible now than ' sleight.'

SLIME. — See Bitumen, Siddim [Vale of].

SLIKG, — See Armour Arms, § 1 (c).

SMITH.— See Arts and Crafts, § 2.

SMYRNA (also and more strictly Zmyma) was founded as a colony from Greece earlier than B.C. idOO, but the early foundation, which had been ^olian, was captured by its southern neighbours the Ionian Greeks and made an Ionian colony. This second foundation became a powerful State, possessing territory far to the E., and as late as the 7th cent. B.C. fought on equal terms against the great Lydian power (see Sardis). It gradually gave way, however, and was captured and destroyed about B.C. 600 by Alyattes, king of Lydia. It now ceased to be a Greek city, and it was not till the 3rd cent. B.C. that it became so again. Thereyas a State called Smyrna between 600 and 290, but it was mainly a loose congeries of villages scattered about the plain and the surrounding hills, and not in the Greek sense a polis (city-State). Alexander the Great intended to re-found the city, but